Yesterday, in London, TRACE conducted a full-day benchmarking symposium attended by over 60 company representatives and featuring speakers from government, the private bar and in-house legal and compliance departments.  Anne Richardson of TRACE reports the following findings:

“The TRACE UK Anti-Bribery Symposium featured discussions of the new Bribery Act and its anticipated impact on UK government enforcement and on the compliance programs of UK companies and foreign companies operating in the UK.  Several themes emerged over the course of the day.

First, the new Bribery Act has been greeted with a significant degree of uncertainty and confusion in the corporate world.  Interpretations of the act by different government speakers at recent public events have been vague and inconsistent.  With regard to the defense of adequate procedures, the business community awaits SFO guidance on the subject (which was originally to be delivered in July, but there are many rumors of delay).  At the same time, most expect the guidance to provide merely a broad outline of best practices already widely recognized and disseminated in the compliance community.

Second, the UK company attorneys, compliance officers and business managers at the event echoed the oft-stated frustration of their American counterparts when it comes to defining the parameters of acceptable business hospitality.  Companies on both sides of the Atlantic crave concrete guidance from enforcement authorities on where to draw the line with regard to gifts, entertainment or travel provided to foreign government customers.  The line between lavish and reasonable is impossible to identify with confidence, much less implement, but it is doubtful that the UK authorities will be any more forthcoming on this issue than authorities in the United States.

There is also widespread skepticism over the SFO’s voluntary disclosure and cooperation programs.  Judicial opinions in the recent Innospec and John Dougall cases call into question the SFO’s ability to enter into settlement or plea agreements with either corporate or individual defendants.  Companies considering voluntarily reporting a problem to the SFO, or individuals deciding whether to serve as cooperating witnesses, are justifiably doubtful that such actions will produce tangible benefits or true leniency when it comes to sentencing and penalties.

Finally, in response to a survey question, companies made it clear that they continue to fear investigation and prosecution by the DOJ and SEC in the US to a much greater extent than in the UK.  This presumably is driven by the shear number of cases brought by the US government and the much higher penalties imposed. (Even in multiple-jurisdictional cases involving UK companies, such as BAE and Innospec, the US-imposed penalties dwarfed those imposed by the UK).  There is also uncertainty surrounding the very future of the SFO and FSA, as the new Conservative-led government considers an agency reorganization.

The new UK Bribery Act has certainly created a lot of buzz, but it’s too soon to measure its impact.  For now, multinational companies will continue to look to US FCPA enforcement as the bellwether for evaluating corporate corruption risk and developing the necessary compliance response.”

Total SA, the large French oil and gas group, has confirmed that a French Investigating Judge placed the company under formal investigation in February 2010 in connection with alleged corruption in Iraq under the United Nations Oil for Food Program. For a summary of this enforcement action, please visit the TRACE Compendium.

On April 1, 2010, Daimler AG and three of its subsidiaries formally resolved FCPA charges in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. For a summary of this enforcement action, please visit the TRACE Compendium.

How great are the anti-bribery compliance risks faced by companies with operations, customers or projects in Mexico?

We know public corruption exists in Mexico (and everywhere else).  And we know that Mexico has garnered the attention of both U.S. and international enforcement agencies.  A recent search of the TRACE Compendium reveals ten cases and investigations involving bribery of Mexican government officials.

U.S. enforcement agencies have brought eight cases – Crawford Enterprises, ABB/North America, Hioki, Paradigm, Pride International, Siemens, Silicon Contractors and Syncor.  Nearly all of these cases involve corrupt payments to employees of Mexican state-owned entities, with a particular emphasis on Pemex, the state-owned oil company, and Comisión Federal de Electridad, a state-owned utility company.  (Pride is the lone outlier: according to the SEC complaint, Pride made corrupt payments to Mexican customs officials to persuade them to either overlook customs violations or expedite exports).

International enforcement agencies have recently joined the fray.  The Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office in Switzerland is investigating allegations that Alstom, a French company that provides equipment and services to the energy and rail transport sectors, engaged in a widespread bribery scheme to secure public works projects in Brazil.  Alstom reportedly made over US$230 million in corrupt payments to foreign officials in Singapore, Indonesia, Venezuela, Brazil, Italy, Zambia and Mexico.  In addition, the Investigating Magistrate of Spain is looking into whether Banco Bilbao engaged in corrupt activity with officials in Columbia, Peru, Venezuela and Mexico.  And, of course, the Munich Public Prosecutor’s Office made a big splash with the Siemens investigation and blockbuster settlement.

These cases provide insight into bribery’s tail risks – prison terms and huge fines, invasive investigations and long-term reputational damage.  They also give us a look into the fairly unimaginative way companies try to disguise bribes on their books and records:  in the accounting parlance of corporate bribery, vague “commission payments” are becoming what “off-balance sheet SPVs” were to Enron.

What these cases don’t give us is a granular view of a bribe transaction.  Who are the common sources of bribe demands?  How frequently are bribes demanded?  And how much?  The BRIBEline country reports, issued by TRACE, set out to answer these questions.

TRACE today issued its BRIBEline 2010 Mexico Report.  This report presents information about 151 incidents of bribe demands made in Mexico and reported to BRIBEline as of January 6, 2010.

Key Findings from the report reveal that:

• Over 85% of the reported bribe solicitations in Mexico were made by people associated with the government, including 45% of bribes in Mexico reportedly made by the police.

• Over 55% of survey respondents reported that a bribe demand was recurring (i.e., a bribe was to be provided more than once).  Fifteen percent of those who reported receiving recurring bribe demands indicated that they had received bribe solicitations more than 100 times in a given year.

• Cash (or its equivalent) was demanded in more than 80% of the reported incidents of
bribe demands in Mexico.

• Sixty-five percent of all reported bribe demands made in Mexico were for amounts less than US$5,000.  On the other end of the spectrum, 6% of all reported bribe demands in Mexico were for more than $50,000.

• Almost half of the Mexico reports cited extortion as the primary purpose of the bribe demand.  For example, in these cases the bribe was demanded in order to avert harm to personal or commercial interests (23% of all bribe demands in Mexico), to receive delivery of services to which the intended bribe payor was already entitled (15%) or to receive payment for services already rendered (6%).

The 2010 BRIBEline Mexico Report is the fifth BRIBEline report published by TRACE.  Please visit www.TRACEinternational.org to view the full 2010 BRIBEline Mexico Report, as well as reports on China, India, Russia and Ukraine.

TRACE’s Anne Richardson received the following update from an attorney friend currently working in Phnom Penh:

“Last month a senior Cambodian official stated that Cambodia’s long awaited anti-corruption legislation will likely be passed next month. There have been, however, a litany of statements foretelling the ‘imminent’ passage of this law since 1994, when it was first proposed. Whether this is another empty statement remains unclear, but several signs point to its passage. First, the main reason officials have been giving for delay all these years – the need for an updated penal code – is no longer present. Last year Cambodia passed a new penal code, part of which is already in force, and the rest of which will come into force December 31st. Second, the Council of Ministers has already passed the draft anti-corruption law and handed it over to the National Assembly – a significant step in the legislative process. Third, the contents of the law have remained a closely guarded secret. Indeed, the one thing that is more difficult than determining when the draft law will be passed is ascertaining what substantive protections, penalties and enforcement mechanisms the law will contain. Lawmakers have been tight-lipped about the contents of the law, refusing to release a copy of the bill and so foreclosing all public comment and debate. Proceeding in this way, of course, will  allow lawmakers to take credit for passing an anti-corruption law while ensuring the law does not infringe any ‘ongoing interests.’

Whatever its substance, the law cannot reduce corruption overnight. The pattern and practice of corruption in Cambodia is rampant at all levels. From police officers who openly request and accept bribes from motorists to high ranking officials whose mansions exuberantly display ill-gotten gains, the evidence is everywhere. And all this while the majority of the people eke out a living, earning little more than a dollar a day. Sadly, corruption has been endemic to politics in Cambodia even infiltrating the language. In Khmer the verb ‘to reign’ literally translates ‘to eat the kingdom,’ and government officials have thus far lived up to the billing. The passage of an anti-corruption law would bring a glimmer of hope to the situation in Cambodia, and be a step – even if only a ceremonial one – in the right direction. Over time, and after implementing appropriate enforcement mechanisms, perhaps the daily scourge of corruption – the pervasive demands and the widespread acquiescence – can be vanquished.”

Dr. Kallu Kalumiya of our partner firm in Uganda, Kampala Associated Advocates, sends this update on anti-bribery measures and recent cases there.

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“Considerable progress has been made in Uganda to combat corruption. The most important latest addition to the arsenal of institutions fighting corruption is the Anti–Corruption Court (ACC) set up as a special division of the High Court of Uganda and put into operation this year. The ACC has jurisdiction to adjudicate, with speed and vigor, high profile cases of alleged corruption, and to impose deterrent sentences on those convicted of abuse of office, embezzlement, theft of public funds, causing financial loss, money laundering, bank forgeries, theft, and other corruption-related crimes. It may also issue orders for the repayment of embezzled funds and/or forfeiture of assets that may have been acquired with proceeds of corruption.

The senior judge who presides over the ACC, Justice John Baptist Katutsi, has a fearsome reputation for courage and integrity; his rulings are often sprinkled with Biblical and Shakespearean quotations.

With just a few convictions registered, the ACC has already struck terror in the ranks of corrupt public officials. Its initial focus has so far been on people accused of having misappropriated funds donated to the government by the Geneva-based Global Fund (GF). These funds were provided to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic and to carry out a country wide sensitization campaign against HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.

With several cases still in the pipeline, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has already secured some high profile convictions which have been accorded widespread publicity in the local and international media. Below is a summary of the highlights from those cases:

a) Fred Kavuma, a former national television producer, became the first person to be convicted by the ACC over misuse of GF money. He was sentenced to five years in prison for obtaining $19,000 of Global Fund money by false pretences, and was ordered to refund the money. He obtained the money to air HIV/AIDS sensitization programs, but instead diverted the money to personal use and submitted forged receipts to the Ministry of Health.

b) Teddy SSezi Cheeye, a Ugandan senior government official and former anti-corruption crusader who set up a company in 2005 to serve as a GF sub-recipient, was recently sentenced to ten years in prison for embezzling $56,000 of GF money and for producing forged documentation as to how the money was used. The official’s company, ironically named the “Uganda Centre for Accountability” (UCA), had been given a contract to monitor other GF Sub-Recipients and to ensure that their work was conducted in conformity with approved work plans and budgets. However, the court found that UCA performed almost no such monitoring work despite having expended all the grant money within the first month of its receipt.

“The accused set up a company which to his knowledge was a mere sham, only intended to feather his own nest with ill-gotten money,” said Justice J.B. Katutsi. “In siphoning funds meant to alleviate and ease the suffering of the victims of HIV/AIDS, TB and malaria, he is no better than a mass murderer. The time for reckoning is now. Impunity must be looked in the face and told ‘no more of this’.”

c) In a case currently before the court of Appeals, two well-connected women, Mrs. Elizabeth Ngororano and Annaliza Mondon, were former directors of an NGO misleadingly called “Health Value Added Ltd.” which received US$15,000. They failed to account for most of the funding and were sentenced in July 2009 to five years in jail with an order to refund the embezzled funds. In dismissing, “with contempt” the accounts provided by the accused in their defence, the learned Justice J.B Katutsi observed that “the devil must have cracked his ribs laughing at such trash”.

Further convictions are expected as the DPP has indicated that there are still scores of corruption cases to be presented for prosecution before the ACC.

Despite the fact that Uganda has an impressive array of laws and anti–corruption institutions and has made modest strides to curb corruption, corruption remains rampant. Government losses are estimated at up to US$500 million per year due to corrupt practices within its procurement systems. This figure represents a staggering one-seventh of the national budget.”

When Secretary of State Hillary Clinton spoke to African heads of state at the AGOA Forum in Nairobi this week, she echoed President Obama’s speech last month in Accra in which he stated that good governance and transparency are of critical importance to increasing investment in Africa.

Unusually for a Forum designed to promote trade and investment, one panel was dedicated to good governance. Justice Aaron Ringera, Director of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission, Dr. Nelson Githinji, President of the American Chamber of Commerce and I spoke on the subject of “Addressing Good Governance and Enabling the Investment Environment.” The panel was introduced by William Craft of the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Economic, Energy and Business Affairs. In a country in which everyone complains about high levels of corruption, but no one has been prosecuted in more than two decades, frustration and cycnicism run high. The goal of the panel was to briefly outline concrete, practicals steps that can be taken in Africa and elsewhere to improve transparency. For governments and companies seeking to reduce bribery, we hope this Forum will mark the beginning of a long and practical discussion. My remarks are attached, below.

The 8th Annual African Growth and Opportunity Act Forum
Nairobi, Kenya
August 4th – 6th

Addressing Good Governance and Enabling the Investment Environment
Alexandra Wrage, President, TRACE

I am delighted to be here today and, in particular, to be sharing the podium with colleagues so committed to this important issue.

As we have just heard, anti-corruption efforts must be a priority for all governments and are increasingly so for most. Corruption is a borderless crime; it is felt across borders just as disease, terrorism and environmental devastation are.

Corruption is theft, whether the person enriched steals directly from a nation’s coffers or indirectly, — by accepting payments to look the other way while shoddy goods are sold at inflated prices.

We all understand the damage that corruption does: buildings collapse because of corruption, counterfeit or tainted pharmaceutical products are introduced into the market because of corruption, environmental waste can be disposed of inappropriately if the right person is bribed and a nation’s customs, police and judiciary can be bribed to work against their citizens’ best interests.

Those who offer or pay and those who demand or accept bribes are equally culpable. Bribery is a moral issue, as well as a criminal one, but it’s also a business issue. The scope of corruption is an unavoidable component in the analysis of any larger investment decision.

No country is immune from this problem, but some have experimented with systemic controls that have brought considerable improvement. These countries have reaped the benefit of greater foreign investment. Capital, as we know, is cowardly. It will gravitate to stable, transparent and predictable markets. Corruption is a tax on both the citizens of the country whose officials sell their public offices for private gain and the businesses that operate there. For this reason, happily, well-run businesses and responsible governments will always be on the same side of this issue.

TRACE works with and advises governments on practical steps that can be taken to reduce the opportunity for bribe-tainted transactions. We also work with over 150 multinational companies and over 1000 SMEs operating in almost every country to ensure they are implementing “best practices” in this area. While everyone likes to believe that their situation — their country, their industry or their company — is unique, we find that the corrupt are a pretty unimaginative crowd. They flourish in dark corners when no one is watching. They succeed when procurement processes are opaque, when official processes are unpredictable and when there is no accountability.

I’d like to propose ten things that can be done to reduce the opportunity for bribe-tainted transactions. Six can be implemented by governments and four by the private sector. Like bribe-takers themselves, these are not especially imaginative or new but, taken together, these would have a real and immediate impact on levels of corruption.

First, reforms by government:

1. Pay adequate salaries for junior civil servants. It isn’t possible to address corruption amongst entry level civil servants if they are paid little or nothing and expected to be “entrepreneurial” and to earn their pay on the side. A strong, disciplined, competitive civil service is a prerequisite for all other anti-bribery measures. If companies are already paying customs officials on the side to process their shipments, a tax is already in place. It brings order and predictability to the process when governments formalize that tax, collect it officially and enable companies to account for it appropriately. The companies with which we work recognize that they can be a burden on the infrastructure of some developing countries and don’t object to paying their share. To pay it “under the table”, however, creates a legal risk, erodes corporate governance and exposes the employees to more and greater extortionate demands. Currently, visa fees defray the cost of consular services for all countries, – worldwide. Legitimate expediting fees can be paid to some government agencies for priority service. This model can be expanded so that services for which companies are currently taxed informally – and illegally – can be formalized.

2. Accede to, implement and honor the commitments under international anti-corruption instruments, including the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption and the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Countries often rush to ratify and then fail to implement, breeding cynicism in the community and undermining a potentially powerful tool for international cooperation on mutual legal assistance and asset recovery.

3. Reform procurement processes. This is a complicated area, but there are some simple improvements: for basic goods, make use of automation in procurement to reduce the interaction between the seller and the government official and implement a two-tiered procurement process (separate competitions for price and quality) for highly technical goods.

4. Reform judicial administration. Use automated case assignments to reduce judicial discretion, prohibit the selection by judges of their own cases and prohibit ex parte communications, – private meetings between the judge and just one party to a case.

5. Develop and advertise a robust reporting mechanism and whistleblower protection program. Make available to the public hotlines and web-based reporting tools that permit both confidential and anonymous reports of corruption, whether demand-side or supply-side and protect those who use them. TRACE hosts www.BRIBEline.org, a multi-lingual, international web-based reporting tool available to everyone; reports by country are posted on the same website.

6. Finance, staff, support, train and protect an independent anti-corruption commission. Too often, anti-corruption commissions are supported with great fanfare until they become successful and then support vanishes.

Reforms by the Private Sector

At TRACE, we work with both governments and the private sector and each constituency is keen to explain that their hands are clean and that the problem lies with the other side. But without a payer, of course, traditional cash-for-business bribery would come to an end.

Well-managed companies can take clear steps even in very challenging markets to minimize the opportunity for employees to make inappropriate payments.

7. Adopt and communicate a clear anti-bribery policy. Ensure that employees know where to find it and who to ask if they have questions about it. TRACE has model language available; it needn’t be dense and legalistic. In fact, that should be avoided. Make it accessible to the non-lawyers who will need recourse to it and make it available in multiple languages.

8. Work with well-vetted local partners. Don’t stake your company’s reputation and governance on a local partner about whom you know nothing. Check references, verify expertise and investigate any ties to the government and to individual government officials. Are they financially stable? Do they have the resources to support your marketing efforts in-country? If not, what exactly are you paying for? Will they be paid on a fixed fee or contingent basis? Are there large or last-minute expenses you don’t fully understand? Expenses that are poorly documented? Check it out.

9. Train employees and third parties on the gray areas. In a sophisticated global market, few employees need to be told that sliding a briefcase of cash across the table to a government official in exchange for a contract is illegal. Increasingly, bribery takes place in the gray areas. When is a gift too extravagant? Hospitality too lavish? Is it a bribe to hire the daughter of a government customer at his request? To assist the son of a senior procurement official to complete his application for university in the United States? To ensure the company’s scholarship program extends to him? If a government official asks for something, is it – by definition – an inappropriate gift of value? Make company lawyers or compliance officers available to answer questions during and after training.

10. Audit and enforce. Sending a message that some bribes – perhaps small bribes – are acceptable in some circumstances will undermine a company’s whole program. A company cannot choose to follow its own policy except when so doing is difficult and hope to have any credibility with its employees. Some markets are more challenging than others. It is in the most challenging markets that a “zero tolerance” policy is needed most. Otherwise, you’ve invested in a message that can be eroded by any bribe-taking government official with stamina; they just need to have more patience than your employees.

The best, most talented employees will gravitate toward well-run companies. Consumers prefer to patronize reputable companies. There really is a “reputational dividend” for companies that operate in a clean, transparent and responsible manner.

But these companies seek transparent markets. Markets in which the procurement process is clearly communicated and consistently honored; markets in which needless barriers aren’t designed to provide opportunities for junior officials to create and skim an additional “tax”; in which contracts are enforced without interference from corrupt judges; and in which goods can be moved through customs without artificial delays designed as carefully and permanently as toll booths.

The companies we work with are ready to forge ahead with real change in this area.

Many of the governments represented in this room have shown similar determination.

I look forward to hearing of the real, measurable progress that this shared commitment brings between now and the 2010 AGOA Forum.

Thank you.

We’ll be writing about corruption in Africa from the AGOA Forum in Nairobi this week. The theme of this year’s Forum is “Realizing the Full Potential of AGOA through Expansion of Trade and Investment.”  One panel will specifically address the impact of corruption on the African investment landscape and practical anti-corruption tools and initiatives for both the governments of AGOA states and multinationals active here.  Mr. Fred Adiyia of TRACE’s partner firm for Nairobi, Igbanugo Partners International Law Firm PLLC, starts the week with his description of the challenges facing Kenya’s Anti-Corruption Commission.

*          *          *

The Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (KACC) was established in May 2, 2003 as a public body under the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act, 2003.  The Commission has a statutory mandate to fight corruption in Kenya.  It has the capacity to sue and be sued and to acquire and dispose of property.  Its primary mission is to combat corruption and economic crimes through law enforcement, prevention and public education.

The KACC is also empowered to investigate corrupt conduct and activities, and it does that by soliciting and receiving oral and written complaints from members of the public and other institutions.     The Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act is so far reaching that a Kenyan national who commits a corruption related offense even in a foreign country, if the crime mirrors a similar crime in Kenya, may be prosecuted before a Kenyan court. 

One of the best tools for reporting corruption used by the KACC is the establishment of a whistleblowers’ website which allows employees of government departments to anonymously report incidents of corruption in their department.  The site, developed by a German firm, enables whistleblowers to open accounts online and make anti-corruption complaints, and if necessary submit documents anonymously.  Unfortunately the whistleblower website tool is running into obstacles from the Government of Kenya itself.  According to a Kenyan newspaper (Daily Nation) report some government departments are trying to monitor and restrict access to the KACC whistleblower website.  According to the newspaper report, senior officials of those departments have instructed IT personnel to monitor civil servants visits to “forbidden” web pages, including those run by the KACC.

The behavior of these Kenyan government officials is contrary to the government’s own external actions.  The Kenyan Government is a signatory to and has ratified the United Nations Convention against Corruption.  That obligates the government to make the actions of its own officials against the KACC websites illegal and to send a strong message to the Kenyan people, the business and investment community that it is committed to stamping out corruption.”

*          *          *

Strong and visible support for the KACC and its leadership would send a clear message that the Kenyan government intends to make meaningful efforts to reduce corruption and enhance commercial transparency.

In addition to this week’s meetings on arms reduction, Presidents Obama and Medvedev are scheduled to hear briefings on several other key issues, including anti-bribery efforts.   A Russia-United States Joint Working Group has developed a set of policy recommendations to be presented at the summit tomorrow.   The twelve-person delegation includes six Russian and six American private sector representatives, policy leaders and academics. A report on the briefings will be posted here tomorrow.

In March 2009, TRACE released a BRIBEline report examining bribe demands made in Russia through December 31, 2008.  TRACE has now updated this report to reflect a total of 320 reports of bribe demands made here through late June.

The new BRIBEline report confirms the trends originally reported:

• bribe solicitors are very likely to request bribes of less than US$5000 (85% of all bribe demands reported);
•  50% of reported bribe demands are made by members of the military and police and 43% of reported bribes are made by other government officials, including city, state and national officials, members of the judiciary and ruling party officials;
• cash is the overwhelmingly preferred form of bribe payment; 88% of reported bribe demands are for cash, as opposed to gifts, travel or special favors; and
• over 60% of bribe demands are extortion in nature; these payments are demanded for service or actions to which the reporter is otherwise entitled or to avoid a harmful outcome or secure payment for services rendered.

Collecting relevant information is a key first step in confronting a problem.   BRIBEline collects and distills information businesses need in order to customize their risk-mitigation strategies.  Based on the BRIBEline Russia Reports businesses now know that, if they are asked for a bribe in Russia, the request is most likely to be made by a government official seeking a fairly modest sum for the purpose of extortion.   Of course, this is unlikely to come as a surprise to businesses operating here and the large-scale, sophisticated bribery schemes are likely to be fewer in number and, arguably, less likely to be reported.  For more information on BRIBEline, visit www.BRIBEline.org.

There has been a lively debate in compliance circles for some time about how best to address potentially overlapping areas of risk: corruption, money-laundering, sanctions, export violations, data privacy. This can be particularly problematic when different people within large companies are responsible for each. Dr. Mohamed Abdel Wahab of TRACE’s partner firm in Egypt prepared this summary about a small, but growing area of concern: the abuse of the arbitral process to launder money. As he describes it, it seems a new and clever way for the payer and recipient of a bribe to collude to disguise the transfer of funds.

* * *

“Amongst the general sacred principles of international commercial arbitration is the principle of finality of arbitral awards. Awards in the context of international commercial arbitration are not usually subject to subsequent judicial review on the merits.

This pro-arbitration approach may be abused by some legal entities and money-laundering is one example of potential abusive behaviour.

This is how it works. Two or more companies or legal entities enter into a sham dispute involving monetary claims and counterclaims. These entities then turn to arbitration and commence proceedings before an arbitral tribunal where their claims and counterclaims are submitted and argued deceptively. At some stage of the proceedings, prior to the tribunal’s arbitral award, the disputants settle amicably and request the tribunal to record their settlement and render an arbitral award by consent.

The award by consent involves monetary payments as agreed by the disputants. The disputants then either enforce the award voluntarily or seek an exequatur (order for enforcement) from the competent national courts. These are generally granted without review of the merits or the facts. Thus, money is laundered and transferred through legal channels by abuse of process.

What role should the arbitrators play if they believe that the proceedings are a sham? Should they refrain from rendering an award by consent, or should they honor the proceedings?

This is a question worth answering because the potential for abuse is not exclusive to arbitration. It applies to mediation settlements as well, especially if national laws provide for direct enforcement of such settlements without scrutiny.”

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